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ANTI-SLAVERY REPORTER. 

M 3.§erfoti(cal, 



CONTAINING 




JUSTICE AND EXPEDIENCY; 

an, 

m 

OOiJSIDERED WITH A VIEW TO ITS RIGHTFUL AND EFFECTUAL REMEDY, 

ABOLITION. 



BY JOHN G. WHIT TIER. 



. o-c. 



&c. &c 



« There is a law above all the enactments of human codes— the same throughout the world— the same in all time,— 
■ssch as it was before the daring gonius of Columbus pierced the night of ages, and opened to one world the sources oi 
wealth and power, and knowledge ;— to another all unutterable woes :— such as it is at this day, it is the law written 
hv the finder of God upon the heart of man; and by that law, unchangeable and eternal while men despise fraud »n(i 
loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they shall reject with indignation the wild and guilty fantasy, that man can holdproperts 
inmsn." — Lord Brougham, 

VOL. I. NO. 4. 

ISSUED MONTHLY, AND FOR SALE AT THE BOOK STORES 



SEPTEMBER— 1833 



ICf Postage 100 miles and under, li Cents. Over 100 miles, 2i Cents. 






SLAVIiillY, &©. 



^ 



il nviyba inquired of ins why I seek to agitate tlie 
suuject of Slavery ia New England, where we all ac- 
fcikowledge it to be an evil. 

Becau'se such an acknowledgement is not enough on 
am- part : it is doin^; no more than the Slave- Alaster and 
Slave-trader. " We have found," says James Alonroe, 
ill his speech on tlie subject before the Virginia Conven- 
tion, " that this evil has preyed upon the very vitals of 
the Union ; and lias been prejudicial to all the Stales in 
which it has existed." All "the States in their several 
Constitutions and declarations of ri^ht have made a 
similar statement. And what has been the consequence 
of this general belief in the evil of human servitude? 
Has it sapped the foundatioHI of the infamous system? 
No- H-is it decreased the number of victims? Q.uite 
the contrary. U^iaccompanied by philanthropic action, 
it has been in a moral point of view worthless — a thing 
without vitality — sightless— soulless — dead. 

But, it may be saii that the miserable victims of the 
System have our sympathies. 

Sympathy ! — the sympathy of the Priest and Levite, 
looking on, and acki)owled£;ing, but holding itself aloof 
from mortal sutfering, Carr-mch hollow sympathy 
reach the broken iieart, and does the blessing of those 
who are ready to perish answer it? Does it hold back 
the lash from the slave, or sweeten his bitter bread ? 

Oh, my heart is sick— my soul is weary of this sym- 
pathy—this heartless mockery of feeling ;— sick of the 
common cant of hypocrisy, wreathing the artificial flow- 
ers of sentiment over unutterable pollution and unima- 
ginable wrong. It is white-washing the sepulchre to 
make us forget its horrible deposite. It is scattering 
flowers around the charnel-house and over the yet fes- 
tering grave to turn away our thou2;hts "from the de-ad 
men's °boncs and all unc'eanness" — tlie pollution and 
loathsomeness below. 

No— let the Troth on this subject— undisguised, 
naked, terrible as it is, stand out before us. Let us no 
longer strive to forget it— let us no more dare to palliate 
it. It is better to meet it here with repentance tlian at 
the bar of God. The cry of the oppressed— of the 
millions who have perished among us as the brute per- 
isheth, shut out from the glad tidings of salvation, has 
gone there before us, to Him who as a father pitieth all 
his children. Their blood is upon us as a nation ; woe 
unto us, if we repent not, as a nation, in dust and ashes. 
Woe unto us if we say in our hearts, " The Lord shall 
not see, neither shall the God of Jacob regard it. He 
that planted the ear, shall he not hear ? He who formed 
the eye, shall He not see?" 

But it may be urged that New-England has no parti- 
cipation in Slavery, and is not responsible for its wretch- 
edness. 



Why are we thus willing to believe a lie? New- 
Rngland not responsible ? Bound by the United States 
Constitution to protect the slave-holder in his sins, and 
yet not responsible? Joining hand with crime — cove- 
nanting with oppression — leaguing with pollution, and 
yet not resporisible ! Palliating the Evil — hiding the 
Evil — voting for the Evil,* do we not participate in it? 
Members of one Confederacy — children of one family 
— the cure and tlie shame — the sin against our brother, 
and the sin against our God — all, all the iniquity of Slave- 
ry which is revealed to man, and all which crieth in the 
ear, or is manifested to the eye of Jehovah, will assured- 
ly be visited upon all our people. Why then should we 
stretch forth our hands towards our Southern brethren, 
and like tlie Pharisee thank God we are not like them ? 
For as long as we recognize the infernal principle 
that "?rt«?i can hold property in vuin," God will not hold 
us guiltless. So long as we take counsel of the world's 
policy instead of the Justice of Heaven : so long as we 
pursue a mistaken political expediency in opposition to 
the o-xpress commands of God, so long will the wrongs 
of the Slaves rise like a cloud of witnesses against us at 
the inevitable bar. 

Slavery is protected by the constitutional compact — 
by the standing army — by the militia of the free states, f 
Let us not forget that should the slaves, goaded by 
wrongs unindurable, rise in desperation, and pour the tor- 
rent of their brutal revenge over the beautiful Carolinas, 
or the consecrated soil of Virginia, New-England would 
be called upon to arrest the progress of rebellion, — to 
tread out with the armed heel of her soldiery, that 
spirit of freedom, which knows no distinction of cast or 
color ; which has been kindled in tlie heart of the black 
man as well as the white. 



' Messrs. Harvey of N. If., Mallary of Vt. and Ripley of 
Me. voted in the Congress of 1829 against the consideration 
of a Resolution for inquiring into the expediency of abolisti- 
ins Slavery in the Disuict of Columbia ! ! 

t .1. Q.. Adams la the only member of Congress wno has 
vi?ntnred to speak plainly of this protection. See also his 
very able Report from the minority of the Committee on Man- 
nfaclures. In his speech during tlie last session, upon tho 
t>il! of the Committee of Ways and Means, after discussing 
the constitutional protection of Slavery, he says — "But that 
same interest Is further protected by tho laws of the United 
States. It was protected by the existence of a standing army. 
If the Stales of tliis Union were all free republican Slates, 
;ind none of them possessed any of the machinery of which 
he liad spoken, and if another portion of the Union were not 
e.xposed to another danger, ftoui their vicinity to the tribes of 
Indian savages, he believed it would be difllcult to prove to 
the House any such thing as the necessity of a standing army. 
What in fact was the occupation of the army ? It had been 
protecting tliis very same interest. It had been doing so ever 
since the army existed. Of what use to the District of Ply- 
mouth which he there represented, was the stantijng army of 
(lie nrnted Stares 1 Of not one dollar's use and never hUQ 
't)cen." 



S2 



And wtiat » thtt Sy»l«n whidi tre are thos protect- 
ing and upholding ? 

A system which holds two millions of God's creatures 
in bondage — which leaves one million females without 
any protection save their own feeble strength, and 
which makes even the exercise of that strength in re- 
sistance to outrage^ punishable with deathj-^which 
considers rational, immortal beings as articles of trafnc — 
•vendible commodities — merchantable property,— which 
recognises no social obligations — no natural relations— 
which tears without scruple the infant from the mother 
— the wife from th j husband— the parent from the child. 
In the strong but just language of another — "It is the 
full measure of pure, unmixed, unsophisticated wicked- 
ness ; and scorning all competition or comparison, it 
stands without a rival in the secure, indisputed posses- 
sion of its detestable pre-eminence." 

So fearful an evil should have its remedies. 

The following are among the many which have been 
from time to time proposed : — 

1. Placing the slaves in the condition of the serfs of 
Poland and Russia, fixed to the soil, and without the 
right on the part of the master to sell or i-emove them. 
This was intended as a preliminary to complete emanci- 
pation at some remote period ; but it is impossible to per- 
ceive either its justice or expediency. 

2. Gradual Abolition, an indefinite term, but which 
is Understood to imjjly the draining away drop by drop 
of the great ocean of wrong, — plucking off at long inter- 
vals some straggling branches of the moral Uphas — 
holding out to unborn generations the shadow of a hope 
which the present may never feci-,— gradually ceasing 
to do evil; gradually refraining from robbery, lust and 
murder: — in brief, obeying a short»sighted and criminal 
policy rather than the commands of God. 

3. Abstinence on the part of the people rvf the free 
states from the use of the known products of slave la- 
lx)r, in order to render that labor profitless. Beyond a 
doubt the example of conscientious individuals may 
nave a salutary effect upon the minds of the slave- 
holders ;* — but so long as our confederacy exists, a com- 
mercial intercourse with slave-states, and a consumption 
of their products cannot be avoided. f 

4. Colonization. 

The exclusive object of the American Colonization 
Society, according to the second article of its constitu- 
tion, is to colonize the free people of color residing 
among us, in Africa or such other place as Congress may 
direct. Steadily adhering to this object it has nothing 
to do with Slavery ; and 1 allude to it, as a remedy only 
because some of its friends have in view an eventual 
abolition or an amelioration of the evil. 

Let facts speak. 

The Colonization Society was organized in 1817. It 



' Tlie followiiie is a recorded stalcmcnt of tlic vfnpralcil 
Bir William .lones : " Let sugar be as cheap as it may hp, it is 
better to eat none— bolter lo eat alues and colloqinrni;l:i llcan 
Violate a primary law impressed on every l^-ait, jmt mibrnled 
Wif.li avarice ; — than rob one liiiman creatuie of llinso cloriial 
riglits of wliicli no law on earth can jiisl'.y deprive Inm." 

t It may be doubted wlietlier Mr. W. hv<! attached sutTicicnt 
importance to this principle. If it be to irrong furnish llie 
products of slave-labor, how can it hcright to consume them 1 
Goods obtained by robbery should be held contraband. — The 
existence of our "confederacy" cannot prevent individuals 
and associations from exerting an influence in this way. And, 
although the effects of individual a\m\i'\en.c might be as un- 
availing a means of reform as individual abstmenco friim 
strong drink, yet combined efTort mig'it be a^s powerful liere, 
as in the Temperance cause. In England, it exerted a power- 
ful influence In proctiring the abolition of the Slave trade.— 



has 918 auxiliary societiess. The Legislatares of 14 
States have recommended it. Contributions have pour-» 
ed into its treasury from every quarter of the United 
States. Addresses in its favor have been heard from all 
our pulpits. 

It has been in operation 16 years. Diiring this period 
nearly one million human beings have died in Slavery : 
and the number of Slaves have increased, more than 
half a million, or in round numbers, 550,000 

The Colonization Society has been busily 
engaged all this while in conveying the 
slaves to Africa-^in other v.-ords abolishing 
Slavery. In this very charitable occupation 
it has carried away manumitted slaves, 6 1 3* 

Balance against the Society, 549,387! 

But enough of its abolition tendency. What has it 
done for amelioration ? 

Witness the newly enacted laws of some of the slave 
states — laws bloody as the code Draco, violating the 
aws of God and the un.'-.lienablc rights of his chil- 
dren.! 

But why talk of Amelioration ? Amelioration of 
what? — of sin — of crime unutterable, of a System of 
wrong and outrage horrible in the eyes of God ! Why 
seek to mark the line of a selfish policy, a carnal expe- 
diency between the criminality of Hell, and that re- 
pentance and its fruits enjoined of Heaven? 

Forthe prir.ciples and views of the Society we must 
look to its own statements and admissions ; to its An- 
nual Reports ; to those of its Auxiliaries ; to the speech- 
es and writings of its advo^tes ; — and to its organ, the 
African Repository. 

1. It excuses Slavery and apologises for slave-holders. 
Proof. "Slavery is an evil entailed upon the pre.=;ent 

generation of slave-holders, which they must suffer, 
whether they will or not !" — African Rep. vol. 5. p. 170, 
"The existence of Slavery among us, thcughnot at all 
to be objected to our Southern hrethrm as a fault," fyc. — 
2d ^}\n. Report of J'f. Y. Col. Sac. "It (tlie Society) 
condemns no man because he is a Slave-holder." — ^/. 
Rep. Recognising the constitutional and legitimate ex- 
istence of Slavery, it seeks not to interfere, either direct- 
ly or indirectly, with the rights it creates. Jlchimo- 
ledging the necessity by ichich its present continuance, 
and the rigorous provisions for its mnintenance oj-e justi- 
fied," ^-c. — Jifrican Repository, Vol. j. p. i6. " 'I'hey 
(the Abolitionists)'conl'ound the misfortunes of onegene- 
raiion with the crimes of another, and v.'ould sacrifice 
both individual and publis good to an unsubstantial the- 
ory of the rights of man ! .'" — jifrican Rep. Vol. 7. p. 
202. 

2. It pie] ges' it self not to oppose the System of Slavery. 
I Proof. "Our Society and the friends of Coloniza- 
tion wish to be distinctly understood upon this point. 
From the beginning they have disavoiced, and they do 
yet disavow, that tlieir object is the emancipation of 
slaves." — Speech of James S. Green, Esq. — First An- 
nual Rcpnrt of the N. .Tersey Col. Soc. 

"This institution proposes to do good by a specific 
course of measures. Its direct and specific purpose is 
not the abolition of slavery, or the relief of pauperism, 
or the (extension of commePee and civilization, or the 
enlargement of .-Gience, or of the conversion of the 
heathen. T'he single object which its constitution pre- 
scribes, and to which all its etTorts are necessarily di- 
rected, is African colonization from America. It pro- 
poses only to afford facilities for the voluntary emigra- 
tion of the free people of color from this country to the 
country of their fathers." — Review of African Coloni- 
zation. — Christian Spectator for Sept. 1830. 



* Address of tbp Managers of Col. focicty, 1832. 

i It will be 8ccn that the Spcicty approves of these laws. 



53 



^ ^^ his no aholition Society; it addresses as yet argii- 
'^^ents to no master, and disavows with horror the idea 
•of offering temptations to any slave. It denies the de- 
Sign of allempiing emancipation, either partial or gen- 
eral." — 'The Colonization Society Vindicated.' — Afri' 
can Rep. vol. iii p. 197. 

" The Colonization Society, as such, have renounced 
wholly the name and the characteristics of abolitionists 
On this point they have been unjustly and injuriously 
slandered. Into their accounts the subject of eman- 
cipation does not enter at all.'" — 'N. E. — Idem, p. 306. 

"From its origin, and throughout the whole period 
of its existence, it has constantly disclaimed all inten- 
tion of interfering, in the smallest degree, with the 
rights of property, or the object of einancipalion, gkad 
Ual or immediate." * + * " The Society presents to 
the American public, no project of emancipation.'''' — Mr. 
Clay's Speech. — Idem, vol. vi. pp. 13, 17. 

" The emancipatign of slaves or the amelioration of 
their condition, with the moral, intellectual, and political 
improvement of people of color icithin the United States, 
are objects foreign to the powers of this Society." — Ad- 
dress of the Board of Managers of the Am. Col. Soc. 
to its Auxiliary Societies. — Idem, vol. vii. p. 291. 

"The Society, as a society, recognises no principles in 
reference to the Slave-system, It says nothing, and 
proposes to do nothing, respecting it." * * * "So far 
as we can ascertain, the supporters of the colonization 
policy generally believe, that slavery is in this country 
a constitutional and legitimate system, which they have 
no inclination, interest nor ability to disturb." — North 
Am. Review, for July 1832. 

3. It regards God^s rational creatures as property. 
Proof. " We hold their slaves as lee hold their other 

property, sacred." — African Rep. vol. i. p. 2S3. 

"It is equally plain and undeniable that the Society, 
in the prosecution of this work, has never interfered or 
evinced even a disposition to interfere in any way with 
the rights of proprietors of slaves." — Idem, vol. vi. p. 
205. 

" To the slave-holder, who has charged upon them 
the wicked design of interfering with the rights of pro- 
perty under the specious pretext of removing a vicious 
and dangerous free population, they address themselves 
in a tone of conciliation and sympathy. We know 
your rights, say they, and loe respect them." — Idem, vol. 
vii. p. 100. 

4. It boasts that its measures are calculated toperpelu- 
«{e the detested System of Slavery — to remove the fears 
of the Slave-holder, aiid increase the value of his stock of 
human beings. 

Proof. " They, (the Southern slave-holders) will 
contribute more effectually to the continuance and 
strength of this system (Slavery) by removing those 
now free, than by any or all other methods which 
can possibly be devised." — Af. Rep. vol. i. p. 227. 

" So far from being connected with the abolition of 
slavery, the measure proposed would be one of the 
greatest securities to enable the master to keep in pos- 
session his own property." — Speech of John Randolph 
at the first meeting of the Colonization Society. 

" The tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, 
is to secure slave-holders, and the whole SoiUhern 
Country, against certain evil consequences growing out 
of the present three-fold mixture of our population." — 
Address of the Rockbridge Col. Soc. — Af. Rep. vol. iv. 
p. 274. 

" There was but one way, (to avert danger,) but that 
might be made effectual, fortunately. It was to pro- 
vide AND KEEP OPEN A DRAIN FOR THE EXCESS BEYOND 
THE OCCASIONS OF PROFITAELE EMPLOYMENT. Mr. 

Archer had been stating the case in the supposition. 



that after the present class of free blacks liad been eX" 
hausted, by the operation of the plan he was recom« 
mending-, others would be 'supplied for action, in the 
proportion of the excess of colored population it would 
l)e necessary to throw off, by the process of voluntary 
manumission or sale. The effect must result inevitably 
from the depreciatir;g value of the slaves, ensuing their 
disproportionate multiplication. The depreciation 
would be relieved and retarded at the same time, by 
the process. The two operations would aid reciprocal- 
ly, and sustain each other, and both be in the highest 
degree beneficial. It was on the ground of interest, 
therefore, the most indisputable pecuniary interest, that 
he addressed himself to the people and Legislatures of 
the slaA'e-holding states." — Speech of Mr. Archer. 
— Fifteenth Annual Report. 

"The slave-holder, who is in danger of having his 
slaves contaminated by their free friends of color, will 
not only be relieved from this danger, hut the value of 
HIS slave will be ENHANCED." — A ncw and inter- 
esting view of Slavery. By Humanitas, a colonization 
advocate. Baltimore, 1820. 

5. It denies the power of Christian Love to overcome 
an unholy prejudice against a portion of our fellow-crea- 
tures. 

Proof. " The Managers consider it clear that cau- 
ses exist and are operating to prevent their (the blacks,) 
improvement and elevation to any considerable extent 
as a class, in this country, which are fixed, not only 
beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of 
any human power. Christianity will not do for them 
here, what it will do for them in Africa. This is not a 
fault of the colored man, nor Christianity ; but an ordi- 
nation of Providence, and no more to be changed than 
the laws of Nature !" — Last Annual Report of Ameri- 
can Colonization Societ}'. 

" The habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society 
— prejudices which neither refinement, nor argument, 
nor education, nor religion itself, can subdue — 
mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as the 
subjects of a degradation inevitable and incurable. The 
African in this country belongs by birth to the very 
lowest station in society ; and from that station he can 
never rise, be his talents, his enterprise, his virtues 
what they may. * * * They constitute a class by 
themselves — a class out of which no individual can be 
elevated, and below which none can be depressed." — 
African Repository, vol. iv. pp. 1 18, 1 19. 

"Is it not wise, for the free people of color and their 
friends to admit, what cannot reasonably be doubted, 
that the people of color must, in this country, remain 
for ages, probably for ever, a separate and inferior 
caste, weighed down by causes, powerful, universal, in- 
evitable; which neither Legislation nor Christianity 
can remove?" — Idem, vol. vii. p. 196. 

6. It opposes strenuously the education of the blacks in 
this Country, as useless, as well as dangerous. 

Proof. " If the free colored people were generally 
taught to i-f^ad it might be an inducement to them to 
remain in this country, (that is, in their native country !) 
We would offer them no such inducement." — South- 
ern Religious Telegraph, Feb. 19, 1831. 

" The public .safety of our brethren at the south re- 
quires them (the slaves) to be kept ignorant and unin- 
structed." — G. P. Dissosway, Esq. an eminent Coloni- 
zationist. 

"It ig the business of the free (their safety requires it) 
to keep the slaves in ignorance. But a few days ago, a 
proposition was made in the Legislature of Georgia to 
allow them so much instruction as to enable them torc«d 
the Bible ; which was promptly rejected by a Jarge 



54 



roBJority," — Proceedings of N. Y. Stale Colonization 
Society at its second anniversary. 

E. B. Caldwell, tlic first Secretary of the American 
Colonizition Society, in his speech at its formation, re- 
commended them to be kept "in the lowest state of ig- 
norance and degradation, for (says he) the nearer you 
bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance 
do vou give them of possessing their apatliy ! !" 

My limits will not admit of a more extended 
examination. To the documents from whence 
the cAove extracts have been made I would call 
the attention of every real friend of humanity. 
I seek to do the Colonization Society no injus- 
tice ; but I wish the public generally to under- 
stand its character.* 

The tendency of the Society to abolish the 
Slave-Trade by means of its African Colony, 
has been strenuously urged by its friends. But 
the fallacy of this, is now admitted by all: wit- 
ness the following from the Reports of the Soci- 
ety itself. 

" Some appalling facts in regard to the Slave- 
tradff have come to the knowledge of the Board 
of Managers, during the last year. With undi- 
minished atrocity and activity is this odious 
traffic nowcsrried on all along the African Coast. 
Slave factories are established in the immediate 
vicinity of the colony; and at the Gallinas, (be- 
tween Liberia and Sierra Leone) not less than 
990 slaves were shipped during last summer, in 
tiie space of three weeks." — Fourteenth Annual 
Report, 18.31. 

April 6, 1832, the House of Commons of Eng- 
land ordered the printing of a document entitled 
" Slave-Trade, Sierra Leone," containing official 
evidence of the fact that the pirates engaged in 
the African Slave Trade, are supplieet from the 
stores of Sierra Leone and Liberia, with such 
articles as the infernal traffic demands ! An able 
English writer on the subject of Colonization,t 
thus notices this astounding fact: 

" And here it may be well to observe, that as 
long as negro slavery lasts, all colonies on the 
African caast, of whatever description, must tend 
to support it, because, in all commerce, the sup- 
ply is more or less proportioned to the demand. 
The demand exists in negro slavery ; the supply 
arises from the African slave-trade. And what 
greater convenience could the African slave-tra- 
ders desire than shops well stored aljng the coast. 
with the very articles which their trade demands. 
That the African slave-traders do get thus supplied 
at Sierra Leone and Liberia is matter of oflicial 
evidence : and we know, from the nature of human 
things, that they will get supplied, in deOance of 
all law or precaution, as long as the demand calls 
for the supply, and there are free shops stored 
with all tiiey Avant at hand. The shop-keeper, 

• 1 would osperJally invite the attention of my fricnOs to 
"Tlionj,'lits on Col'-niz-Uion"— a very ublG aiul eloqiienl 
pamplilct by a mucli iracliiceJ and iioble-lic;\rtfd pliilaiulire- 
pist, Williain L Guriison, of Boston ; ami alsn tlio lirac annu- 
al Report of ttic New-England Anti-Slaverj K>ocitty. 

t " Prejudice Vincible, or the Practicability of conquering 
-Prejudice by better means than Slavery or Exile, in relation 
to llie American Colonization Society >)y ';. Stewart, Liver- 
nool, Smith &. Oo. 183i" „, ., 



however honest, wotild find it impossible always- 
to distinguish between the African slave-trader 
or his agents and other dealers. And how many 
skopkcepers are there any where that would be 
over scrupulous in questioning a customer with 
a full purse ?" 

But we are told that the Colonization Society 
is to civilize and evangelize Africa. " Each 
eviiffranl," says Henry Clay, the ablest advocate 
which the Society has yet found, '• is a Missiona- 
ry, carrying with him credentials in the holy 
cause of civilization, religion and free institu- 
tions! !" 

lieatttiful and heart-cheering idea! But stay — 
who are these emigrants — these Missionaries '? 

The free people of color. " They, anc; they 
onl//,^' says the African Repository, the Society's 
organ, " are qucdijied for colonizing Africa." 

What are their qualifications ? Let the Socie- 
ty answer in its own Avords: — 

'■ Free blacks are a greater nuisance than even 
slaves themselves." — African Repository, vol. 2^ 
p. 328. 

'• A horde of miserable people — the objects of 
universal suspicion — subsisting by plunder." — 
C. F. Mercer. 

" An anomalous race of beings the most de- 
based upon earth." — African Repositorv, vol. 7, 
p. 230. • 

" Of all classes of our population the most 
vicious is that of the free colored." — Tenth An- 
nual Report of Colonization Society. 

I might go on to quote still further the " cre- 
dentials" which the free people of color are to 
carry with them to Liberia. — But I forbear. 

I come now to the only practicable — the only 
just scheme of Emancipation : — Immeim.vte Abo- 
lition OF Slavery : an immediate acknowledg- 
ment of the great truth, that man cannot hold 
property in man; an immediate surrender of 
baneful prejudice to Christian love; an immedi- 
ate practical obedience to the command of Jesus 
Christ: — " Whatsoever ye would that men 
should do unto you, do ye even so to them.'''' 

A correct-understanding of Avhat is meant by 
Immediate Abolition must convince every can- 
did mind, that it is neither visionary nor danger- 
ous ; that it involves no disastrous consequences 
of bloodshed and desolation ; but, on the contra- 
ry, that it is a safe, practicable, efficient remedy 
for the evils of the Slave-system. 

The term Immediate^- is used in contrast with 
that of Gradual. Earnestly as I Avish it — I do 
not expect— no one expects— that the tremendous 
system of oppression can be instantaneously over- 
throAvn. 1'he terrible and unrebukable in'digna- 

* Rev. Dr. Thornson, of Edinburgh, thus speaks of 
it: "Were I to treat the term gradual as some of our 
enemies have the term immediriU, I could easily by the 
help of a little quibbling, bring you to the conclusion 
that, as hitherto employed, it means tliat tho abolition 
of Slavery will never take place." "The meaning of 
the word as used by us is perfectly clear ; it is to bo 
considered and understood under the direction of com- 
mon sense — and as modiiied and expounded by the state- 
ments with which it is associated," 



55 



lion ©f a free people has not yet been sufficiently ' 
concentrated against it. The friends of aboli- 
tion have not forgotten the peculiar organization 
of our Confederacy — the delicate division of 
power between the states and the general gov- 
ernment. They see the many obstacles in their 
path-way ; but they know that public opinion can 
overcome them all. They ask no aid of physi- 
cal coercion. They seek to obtain their object 
not with the weapons of violence and blood, but 
with those of reason and truth, prayer to God, 
and entreaty to man. 

They seek to impress indelibly upon every 
human heart the true doctrines of the rights of 
man ; to establish now and for ever this great 
and fundamental truth of human liberty — that 
man cannot hold property in his brother ; for 
they believe that the general admission of this 
truth will utterly destroy the system of slavery — 
based as that system is upon a denial or disre- 
gard of it. To make use of the clear exposition 
of an eminent advocate of Immediate Abolition,* 
our plan of emancipation is simply this : " To 
promulgate the doctrine of human rights in high 
places and low places, and all places where there 
are human beings. To whisper it in chimney 
corners, and to proclaim it from the house-tops — 
yea, from the mountain-tops. To pour it out 
like water from the pulpit and the press. To 
raise it up with all the food of the inner man, 
from infancy to gray hairs — to give '' line upon 
line, and precept upon precept," till it forms one 
of the foundation principles, and parts indistruc- 
tible of the public soul. Let tliose Avho contemn 
this plan, renounce if they have not done it al- 
ready, the gospel plan of converting the world ; 
let them renounce every plan of moral reforma- 
tion, and every plan whatsoever, which does not 
terminate in the gratification of their own ani- 
mai nature?. 

The friends of emancipation would urge in the 
first instance an Immediate Abolition of Slavery 
in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories 
of Florida and Arkansas. 

The number of slaves in these portions of the 
Country, coming under the direct jurisdiction of 
the General Government, is as follows : 

District of Columbia, - - - 6,119 
Territory of Arkansas, - - 4,576 

Territory of Florida, - - - 15,501 



Total, - ■- - - - 26,196 

Here then are twenly-six thousand human 
beings, fashioned in the image of God, the fitted 
temples of His Holy Spirit, held by the Govern- 
ment in the abhorrent chains of Slavery. The 
power to emancipate them is clear. It is indis- 
putable.t It does not depend upon the twenty- 

• 
* Professor Wright, of tke Western Reserve ColleTe, 
Ohio. ° 

t The report of Mr. Alexander in the Congress of 
1829, unfavorable to the prayer of the petition for abol- 
ishing Slavery in the District of Columbia, may be re- 
ferred to, as a specimen of the veriest sophistry which 
•ver supplied the place of argument. 



five slave votes in Congress. It lies with the 
free states.* Their duty is before them : the 
fear of God, and not of man, let them perform it. 
Let them at once strike off' the grievous fetters. 
Let them declare that man shalfno longer hold 
l.is fellow-man in bondage— a beast of burden — 
an article of traffic, Avithin the Government do- 
main. God and truth and eternal justice de- 
mands this. The very reputation of our fathers 
—the honor of our land— every principle of lib- 
erty, humanity, expediency demand it. A sacred 
regard to free principles originated our indepen- 
dence, not the paltry amount of practical evil 
complained of. And although our fathers left 
their great work unfinished, it is our duty to fol- 
low out their principles. Short of 'Liberty 
and Equality we cannot stop without doing in- 
justice to their memories. If our fathers intend- 
ed that Slavery should be perpetual— that our 
practice should for ever give the lie to our pro- 
fessions—why is the great constitutional com- 
pact so guardedly silent on the subject of huuian 
servitude? If State necessity demanded this 
perpetual violation of the laws of God and the 
rights of man— this continual solecism in a 
Government of Freedom— why is it not met as 
a necessity, incurable and inevitable, and formal- 
ly and distinctly recognized as a settled part ot 
our social system ? State Necessitv, that impe- 
rial tyrant seeks no disguise. In the language 
of Sheridan, " what he does, he dares avow, and 
avowing, scorns any other justification than the 
great motives which'placed the iron sceptre in his 
grasp." 

I Can it be possible that our fathers felt this 
I State necessity strong upon them ? No— for they 
left open the door for emancipation— they left us 
the light of their pure principles of liberty— they 
framed the great charter of American rights, 
v/ithout employing a term in its structure to 
which in after times of universal freedom the 
enemies of our country could point with accusa- 
tion or reproach. 

What is onr duty? 

To give effect to the spirit of our Constitution ; 
to plant ourselves upon the great Declaration and 
declare in the face of all the world, that politi- 
cal, vehgious and legal hypocrisy shall no longer 
cover as with loathsome leprosy the features of 
American freedom ; to loose at once the bands or 
wickedness— to undo the heavy burdens, and lei 
the oppressed go free. 

We have indeed been authoritatively told in 
Congress and elsewhere that our brethren of the 
South and West will brook no farther aeitation 
of the subject of Slavery. What then '.—shall 
we heed the unrighteous prohibition? No— by 
our duty as Christians— as politicians— by our 
duty to ourselves— to our neighbor and to 'God, 
we are called upon to agitate this subject ; to 
give Slavery no resting place under the hallow- 

'^ "Trust not" said the illustrious Canning, "the mas 
|ters c^"" Slaves in what concerns legislation for Slavery ." 
Let t:ic evil be remedied by a government of fre« peo- 
ple, and not by the makers of Slaves." 



56 



ed JEg'is of a government of freedom ; to tear it 
root and branch, with all its fruits of abomina- 
tion, at least from the soil of the national domain. 
The slave-holder may mock us — the representa- 
tives of property — merchandise — vendible com- 
modities, may threaten us; still our duty is im- 
perative ; the spirit of the constitution should be 
maintained within the exclusive jurisdiction of 
the Government. If we cannot " provide for the 
general welfare ;"' if we cannot •' guarantee to 
each of the States a republican form of govern- 
ment,"* let us at least, no longer legislate for a 
free nation within view of the falling whip, and 
within hearing of the execrations ot the task- 
master, and the praj^er of his slave ! 

1 deny the right of the slave-holder to impose 
silence on his brother of the North in reference 
to Slavery. What ! compelled to maintain the 
System— to keep up the standing army which 
protects it, and yet be denied the poor privilege 
of remonstrance ! Ready, at the summons of 
thp master to put down the insurrections of his 
slaves — the out-breaking of that revenge which 
is now, and has been, in all nations, and all 
times, the inevitable consequence of oppression 
and wrong — and yet like automata, to act but 
not speak ! Are we to be denied even the right 
of a slave — the right to murmur ? 

I am not unaware that my remarks naay be re 
garded by many as dangerous and exceptionable; 
that I may be regarded as a fanatic for quoting 
the language of eternal truth, and denounced as 
an incendiary for maintaining, in the spirit as 
Avell as the letter, the doctrines of American In- 
dependence, But if such are the consequences 
of a simple performance of duty, I shall not 
regard them. If my feeble appeal but reaches 



* The reader will find some speculations and forebod' 
ings on this point in the very able speeches of Vice Presi. 
dent Calhoun and Gov. Poindexter of Mississippi, in the 
U. States Senate. It is foreign to my present purpose to 
meddle in any way with the doctrine of Nullification — a 
doctrine, which whatever it may have been originally, has 
been recently so sublimated and mystified, as to admit 
only of the Scotchman's well known definition of Meta- 
physics : " He that speaks disna weel ken what he says, 
and he that listens disna weel ken what he hears." But 
I would ask the reader to follow out the doctrine of the 
rights of the minority, or the inferior power, in point of 
physical or political s'trength, as maintained in the speech- 
es above referred to, and see to what it will lead. If 
there could be found motal energy enough among the 
slaves of South Carolina to apply *' the peacfful remedy" 
— to enable them to stand upon their reserved rights 
as members of the great human family, and formally 
demand a reduction of their burdens — their sufferings — 
what course could South Carolina adopt? If true to 
her principles — in which if she errs at alt it is on the 
side of liberty — she would grant that reduction. Would 
she use coercion — brute force — because the law allowed 
it ? No. With the indignant eloquence of her own 
oreat champion she would scornfully repudiate " the idea, 
as sophistry — bloody sophistry — such as cast Daniel in the 
lion's den, and the three Innocents into the fiery furnace : 
the same sophistry under which the bloody edicts of 
Nero and Calisula were executed." She would scorn 
to "collect tribiite from her slaves under the mouth of 
cannon" — to " enforce robbery by murder" — to act upon 
the vague abstraction — the miserable sophistry of enfor- 
cing a law whether just or unjust. [See speech of J. C. 
Caihaun in the U. S. Senate on the Enforcing Bill.] 



the hearts of any who are now slumbering in ini- 
quity — if it shall have power given it to shake 
down one stone irom that foul temple where the 
blood of human victims is otiered to the Moloch 
of Slavery — if under Providence, it can break 
one fetter from off the image of God, and enable 
one suflerinsr African 



-"To feel 



The weight of human misery less, and glide 
Ungroaning to the tomb," 

I shall not have written in vain : my conscience 
will be satisfied. 

Far be it from me to cast new bitterness into 
the gall and wormwood waters of sectional pre- 
judice. No — I desire peace — the peace of uni- 
versal love — of catholic sympathy — the peace of 
a common interest — a common feeling — a com- 
iTQon humanity. But so long as Slavery is tole- 
rated, no such peace can exist. Liberty and 
Slavery cannot dwell in harmony together. 
There will be a perpetual 'war in the members' 
of the political Mezentius — between the livmg 
and the dead. God and man have placed be- 
tween thein an everlasting barrier — an eternal 
separation. No matter under what name or law 
or compact their union is attempted, the ordina- 
tion of Providence has forbidden it, and it can- 
not stand. Peace! — there can be no peace 
between justice and oppression — between robbery 
and righteousness — truth and falsehood — freedom 
and slavery. 

The Slave-holdiug States are not free. The 
name of Liberty is there, but the spirit is want- 
ing. They do not partake of its invaluable 
blessings. Wherever Slavery exists to any con- 
siderable extent, with the exception of some re- 
cently settled portions of the country, and which 
have not y«t felt in a great degree the baneful 
and deteriorating influences of slave-labor — we 
hear at this moment the cry of suffering. We 
are told of grass-grown streets — of crumbling 
mansions — of beggared planters and barren 
plantations — of fear from without — of terror 
within. The once fertile fields are Avasted and 
tenantless, for the curse of Slavery — the impro- 
vidence ot that labor whose hire has been kept 
back by fraud— has been there, poisoning the 
very earth beyond the reviving influence of the 
eaily and the later rain. A moral mildew min- 
gles' with and blasts the economy of nature. It 
is as if the finger of the everlasting God had 
written upon the soil of the slave-holder the lan- 
guage of His displeasure. 

Let then the Slave-holding states consult their 
present interest by beginning without delay the 
work of emancipation. If they fear not, and 
mock at the fiery indignation of Him, to whom 
vengeance belongeth, let temporal interest per- 
suade them. They know, they must know, that 
the present state of things cannot long continue. 
Mind is the same every where, no matter what 
may be the complexion of the frame which it 
animates : there is a love of liberty which the 
scourge cannot eradicate— a hatred of oppression 
which centuries of degradation cannot extin- 



&7 



guish. The ilare will become conscious Booner 
or later of his strength — his physical superiority, 
and will exert it. His torch will he at the thres- 
hold and his knife at the throat of the planter. 
Horrible and indiscriminate will be this ven- 
geance. Where then will be the pride — tlie 
beauty and the chivalry of the South? The 
smoke of her torment will rise upAvard like a 
thick cloud visible over the whole earth. 

" Belie the negro's powers : — in headlonj will, 
Christian, thy brother thou shalt find him still. 
Belie his virtues : — since his wrongs began, 
His follies and his crimes have stamped him man."* 

Let the canse of insurrection be removed then 
as speedily as possible. Cease to oppress. " Let 
him thai stole steal no more." Let the laborer 
have his hire. Bind bin no longer by the cords 
of Slavery, but with those of kindness and broth- 
erly love. Watch over him for his good. Pray 
for him; instruct him ; pour light into the dark- 
ness of his mind. 

Let this be done ; and the horrible fears which 
now haunt the slumbers of the siave-holdei will 
depart. Conscience will take down its racks 
and gibbets, and his soul will be at peace. His 
lands will no longer disappoint his hopes. 
Free labor will renovate them. 
Historical facts — thenatureof the human-mind 
— the demonstrated truths of political economy 
—the analysis of cause and effect, all concur 
in establishing, 

L That Immediate Abolition is a safe, and 
just and peaceful remedy for the evils of the 
slave-system. 

2. That Free labor, its necessary consequence, 
is more productive, and more advantageous to 
the planter than slave-labor. 

In proof of the proposition it is only neces- 
sary to state the undeniable fact that immediate 
emancipation, whether by an individual or a 
community, has, in no instance been attended 
with violence and disorder on the part of the 
emancipated; but that on the contrary it has 
promoted cheerfulness, industry, and laudable 
ambition, in the place of sullen discontent, in- 
dolence and despair. 

The case of St. Domingo is in point. Blood 
was indeed shed on that island like water, but 
it was not in consequence of emancipation. It 
was shed in the civil war which preceded it. and 
in the iniquitous attempt to restore the Slave- 
system in 1801. It flovved on the sanguine 
altar of slavery, not on the pure and peaceful 
one of emancipation. No — there, as in all the 
world and in all times, the violence of oppres- 
sion engendered violence on the part oi the op- 
pressed, and vengeance followed only upon the 
iron footsteps of wrong. When, where, did 
justice to the injured waken their hate and ven- 
geance? When, where did love and kindness 
and sympathy irritate and madden the persecu- 
ted — the broken-hearted— the foully wronged ? 

In September, 1793, the Coramissiouer of the 



Mortfomtrj, 



French National Conrention issued his proela- 
mation giving immediate freedom to all the 
slaves of St. Domingo. Did the slaves baptize 
their freedom in blood? Did they fight like 
unchained desperadoes because they had been 
made free? Did they murder their emancipa- 
tors ? No— they acted, as human beings must 
act, under similar circumstances, by a law as 
irresistible as inose of the Universe— kindness 
disarmed tliem—ju.stice conciliated them— free- 
dom ennobled them. No tumult followed this 
wide and instantaneous emancipation. It cost 
not one drop of blood ; it abated not one tittle 
of the wealth, or the industry of the island. 
Colonel Malcnfant, a slave proprietor residing 
at tiie time on the island, slates that after the 
public act of abolition, the negroes remained 
perfectly quiet— they had obtained all tiiey ask- 
ed for — Liberty, and they continued to work 
upon all the plantations.* 

"There were estates" he says, "which had 
neither owners nor managers resident upon 
them, yet upon these estates, though abandon- 
ed, the negroes continued their labors where 
there were any even inferior agents to guide 
them, and on those estates where no white men 
were left to direct them, they betook themselves 
10 the planting of provisions; but upon all the 
plantations where the whiles resided, ihe blacks 
continued to labor as quietly as before." Colo- 
nel Malenfant says, that when many of his 
neighbors, proprietors, or managers, were in 
prison, Ihe negroes of their plantitions came to 
him to bog him to direct tium in their work. 
^' H you will take care not to talk to them of 
the restoration of slaveiy, but talk to them of 
freedom, you may with this word chain them 
down to iheir labor. How did Toussaint suc- 
ceed ? How did 1 succeed before his time in 
t!ie plain of the Cnlde-Sac on the plantation of 
Gourand, during more than eight months after 
iberly had been granted to the slaves? Let 
those who knew me at that time, let the blacks 
themselves, be asked : they will all reply that 
not a single negro upon that plantation, consist- 
ing of more than four hundred and fifty labor- 
ers, refused to work; and yet ihis plantation 
was thought to be under the worst discipline 
and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. 
I inspired the same activity into three other 
plantations of which I had the management. 
If all the negroes had come from Africa within 
six months, if they had the love of indepen- 
dence that the Indians have, I should own that 
force must be employed ; but ninety nine out 
of a hundred of the blacks are aware that with- 
out labor they cannot procure the things that 
are necessary for ihem ; that there is no other 
method of satisfying their wants and their 
tastes. They know that they must work, they 
wish to do so, and they will do so." 

'This is strong testimony. In 1796 three 



* Malenfant. Memsirs for a History «f St. Donua- 
go by Cht. Lecr«ix, 1819. 



S8 



years after the a«l of emancipation we are told 
that the colony was flourishing under Tous- 
saint— tiiat tl^e whites lived hapi-ily and peace- 
ably on their estates, and the biiicks continued 
to work for them.* Up to 1801 the same happy 
state of things continued. The colony went on 
as by enchantment — cultivation made day by 
day a perceptible progress, imder the recupera- 
tive energies of free labor. 

In 1801 General Vincent a proprietor of es- 
tates in the island was sent by 'i'oussajnt to 
Paris for the purpose of laying before the Direc- 
tory the new Constitution which had been 
adopted at St. Domingo. Ho reached France 
just after the peace of Amiens, Vv'hen Napoleon 
was fitting out his ill-starred armament for the 
insane purpose of restoring Slavery in the 
Island. Gen. Vincent remonstrated solemnly 
and earnestly against an expedition so prepos- 
terous, so cruel and unnecessary — undertaken 
at a moment when all was peace and quietness 
in the colony ; when the proprietors were in 
peaceful possession of their estates ; when cul- 
tivation was making rapid progress ; and the 
blacks were industrious and happy beyond ex- 
ample. He begged that this beautiful state of 
things might not be reversed. Its issue is well 
knoAvn. Threatened once more with the hor- 
rors of slavery, the peaceful and quiet laborer 
became transformed into a dem.on of ferocity. 
The plough-share and the pruning-hook gave 
way to the pike and the dagger. The white 
invaders were driven back by the sword and 
the pe&tilence ; and then, and not till then., was 
the property of the planters seized upon by the 
excited and infuriated blacks. 

In 1804 Dessalines was proclaimed Emperor 
of Hayti: the black troops were in a great 
measure disbanded, and they immediately rit 
turned to the cultivation of tlie phniialions 
From that period to the present there has I 



no want of industry among the inhabilants 
Mr. Harveyt, who during the reign of Chris 
tophe, resided at Cape Francoise, in d('scril)ing 
the character and condition of the inhabitants, 
says: " It was an interesting sigiit to behold thisl 
class of the Haylians, now in posscssfun of I 
their freedom, coming in groups to the market 
nearest which they resided, bringing the pro- 
duce of their industry there for sale ; and after- 
wards returning, carrying back the necessary 
articles of living which the disposal of their 
commodities had enabled them to purchase : all 
evidently cheerful and happy. Nor cotdd it 
fail to occur to the mind that their present con- 
dition furnished the most satisfactory answer 
to that objeclion to the general emancipation of 
slaves found on their alleged unfitness to value 
and iinprove the benefits of liberty." 
" As they'would not suiter, so they donot require 
the attendance of one acting in the capacity of 
a driver with the instrument of punishment in 



his hand. As far as I had an cppcrtunily of 
ascertaining from what fell under my own ob- 
servation, and from what I gathered from other 
Europern residents, I am persuaded of one 
general fact, which, on account of its impor- 
tance, I shall state in the nK)st explicit terms, 
viz: — that thellaytians employed in cultivating 
the plantations, as well as the rest of the popula- 
tion perform as much work in a given lime as 
they were accustomed to do during their subjec- 
tion to the French. And if we may judgeof their 
future iir.provernent by the change wliish has 
been already effected, it may reasonably be anti- 
cipated that Hayti will ere long contain a popu- 
lation not inferior in their industry to that of 
any civilized nation in the world." * * * * 
"Everyman had some calling to occupy his 
attention ; instances of idleness or intempe- 
rance were of rare occurrence, the most perfect 
subordination prevailed, and all appeari d con- 
tented and happy. A foreigner would have 
found it difficult to persuade himself on his first 
entering the place, that ihe people he now be- 
held so submissive, industrious and contcntedj 
were the same people who a few years before 
had escaped from the shackles of slavery." 

The present condition of Hayti may be judged 
of, from the following well authenticated facts. 
Its population is more than 700,000 — its resour- 
ces ample — its prosperity and happiness gene- 
ral — its crimes few — its labor crowned with 
abundance — with no paupers save the deerepid 
and aged — its people hospitable, respectful, or- 
der!}' and contented.* 

The manumitted slaves, who to the number 
of 2,000, were settled in Nova Scotia by (he 
British Government at the close of the Re'vidu- 
tionary War " 'ed a harmless life, and gained 
tlie character of an Imnest people from their 
Vt'hite ni ighbors.-'t Of the free laborers of 
Trinidad we have the fame report. At the 
Cape of Good Hope 3000 negroes received 
their freedom, and with scarce a single excep- 
tion betook themselves to laborious employ- 
ments.J 

But we have yet stronger evidence. The 
total abolishment of Slavery in the Southern 
Repul)lic has proved beyond dispute the safety 
and utility of Iimnediate Abolition. The de- 
parted Bolivar indeed deserves his glorious title 
of Liberator, for he began his career of freedom 
by striking off the fetters of his own slaves 
seven hundred in nimiber. 

In an official letter from the Mexican Envoy 
ot the British Government, dated March 1820, 
and addressed to the Right Hon. George Can- 
ning, the superiority of free over slave labor is 
clearly demonstrated by the following facts: 

1. The sugar and coffee cultivation of Mexi- 
co is almost exclusively confined to the great 
valley of Ceurnavaca and Cauntala Amilpas. 



♦ Memoir* HLstorique et Politique deg Colonics, &c. 
I SketchvB of Hayti. 



N. 



* C. Stewart, Capt. R. 

t Clarkaon. 

i Ami-Sla^Try Report for 1832. 



59 



H. It 1:5 now carried on exclusively by the 
labor of free bhicks. 

3. It was formerly wholly sustained by the; 
forced labor of slaves, purcliased at Vera 
Cruz at §800 to s$400 ea'di. 

4. Abulilioti ill this seclioa was elTuctcd not 
by GoveriiineiUal intei-rereuco — not even fiom 
motives of humanity — but from an irresisiible 
conviction on the part of the planters that their 
pecuniary interest demanded it. 

5. 'f'ho result has proved tlie entire correct- 
ness of this convicdon ; and the plantecs would 
now be as unwdhng as the blacks themselves 
to return to the old system. 

Let our Southern brethren imitate this exam- 
ple. It is in vain in the face of facts like these 
to talk of tiie necessity of maintidning the 
abominable systeai — operating as it does like a 
double curse upon planters and slaves. Heaven 
•and Eirih deny its necessiiy. It is us necessary 
as otiier roblKnies, and no more. 

Yes— pulling aside altogether the righteous 
law of the hviiig God— tlie same, yesterday, 
to-day and for ever; and shutting oui the clear- 
est political truths ever taught by man — still, 
in huma^n policy — selfish expediency, would 
demand of the planter the immediate emanei- 
pation of his slaves. 

Because ?]ave-lal)or is the labor of mere ?j?.a- 
chines ; a mechanical impulse of body and hmb, 
with which the mind of the laborer has no sympa- 
thy and from which it constantly and loaihing- 
ly re vol IS. 

Because slave-labor deprives the master alto- 
gether of the uicalculable benefit of the negro's 
will. That does not co-operate wan the forced 
toil of the body. This is but the necessary 
consequence of ail labor v.diich does not benefii 
the laborer. It is a just remark of tliat pro- 
found political economist Adam Smith, th;U 
" a slave can have no otiier interest than to eat 
and waste us much, and work ns little as he can.'" 

To my mind in the wasteful and blighting 
influences ol slave-iabor there is a solemn and 
warning mora!. 

They seem the evidence of the displeasure of 
Him \vlio created man after his own image, nl 
the unnatural attempt to govern the bones and 
sinews, the bodies and souls of one portion of 
His children by the caprice, the avarice, and 
the lusts of another:— at that utter violation of 
the design of His merciful Providence, where- 
by the entire dependence of millions of his ra- 
tional creatures, is made to centre upon the 
will — the existence— tliG ability of their fellow- 
mortals, instead of renting under the shadow 
of His own Infinite Power and exceeding love. 

I shall offer a few more facts and observations 
on this point. 

1. A distinguished scientific gentleman, Mr. 
Coulomb, the superintendent of several milita- 
ry works in the French West Indies, gives it as 
his opinion, that the slaves do not perform 
more than one third of the labor, which they 
would do, provided they were urged b.v their 



owii interests and inclinations instead of brute 
force. 

2. A plantation in Barbadocs in 1780, wau, 
cultivated by 282 slaves; 93 meh, 82 women, 
56 boys and 6'J girls. In three years and 
tiiree months, there were on this plantation 
fifty seven deat.hs, and only fifteen births. A 
ehango was then made in the government of 
t'le slaves. The use of the whip was de- 
nied; all severe and 'arbitrary punishments 
were abolished; the laborers received wa- 
ges, and their offences were tried by a sort of 
negro court established au'.ong themselves: in 
short, thcj'' were practically free. Under this 
system, in foi r years and three months there 
were forty four births, and but forty one deaths ; 
and the annual net produce of the plantation 
was more than three limes what it iiad been 
before.* 

3. The followiug evidence was addiicGd by Pitt in 
the Britis'i Padiamenl, April 1792. The assembly of 
Grenada had themselves stated, "tliar, though the ne- 
groes were allowed only the afternoon of one day in a 
week, they would do as tmicli work in that afternoon 
whea eiiip'loyod for their own benefit, as in a whole 
day when employed in their masters service." "Now 
after this confession," said Mr. Pitt, "the house might 
burn all its calculations relative to the negro popula- 
tion. A nc^ro, if he worked for himself, could, na 
doubt, do double work. By an improvement then in th« 
mode of labor, the work in the islands could be doub- 
led." 

4. "In Coffee districts it is usual for the mas- 
ter to hire his people after they have done the 
regular tasks for the day, at a rate varying from 
lOd to 15. 8d for every extra bushel which 
they pluck from the trees ; and many, almost 
all^ are found eager to earn their vmges." — 
Christian Piecord for Jamaica, quoted by C. Stu- 
art, 1831. 

5. In a report made by the commandant of 
Castries for the government of St. Lucia, in 
1822, it is stated, in proof of the intimacy be- 
tween the slaves and the free blacks, that many 
small plantations, of the latter, and occupied by 
only one man and his wife, are better cultivated 
and have more land in cultivation, than those of 
the proprietors wdio have more slaves, and the 
labor on them is performed by runaway slaves;" 
thus clearly proving that even runaway slaves, 
under the ail depressing fears of discovery and 
oppression, labor well, because the fruits of their 
labor are Immediately their own.f 

Let us look at this subject in another point 
of view. The large simis of money necessary 
for stocking a plantation with slaves has an in- 
evitable tendency to place the agricultural and 
slave-holding community exclusively in the 
hands of the we;dlhy,— a tendency at war with 
practical republicanism and conflicting with 
the best maxims of political econom3^ 

Two hundred slaves at ($200 per head would 
cost in the outset .^40,000 dollars. Compare 

* English (Quarterly Magazine and Review of Aprfi 
1832. 
t J. JeremiG, quoted by Stuart- 



i»o 



this enormous outlay for the labor of a single j 
plantation, with the beautiful system of free I 
labor as exhibited in New-England, where eve-: 
ry young laborer, with health and orJinary; 
prudence may acqiiireby his labor on the farms, 
of otliers ill a few years, a farm of his own, j 
and t:ie stock necessary for ils proper cultiva- 
tion ; — where on a hard and untlianlvful soil, 
independence and competence may be attained 
by all. . j 

Free labor is perfectly in accordance with; 
the spirit of onr inslitnlions ; slave labour isj 
a relic of a barbarous, despotic age. The one| 
like the firmament of Heaven, is the equal dif-j 
fusion of similar lights, manifest, harmonious,! 
regular; the other is tlie fiery predominance of 
some disastrous star, hiding all lesser lumina 
ries around it in one consuming glare. 

Emancipation would reform this evil. The 
planter would no louijer be under the necessit}- 
of a heavy expenditure for ^laves. He would 
only pay a very modenite price for his labour; 
a price indeed far less than the cost of the main- 
tenance of a promiscuous gang of slaves, which 
the present system requires. 

In an old plantation of 300 slaves, not more 
than 100 effective laborers will be found. Chil- 
dren— the old an! superannuated — the sick and 
det;repid — the idle and incorrigibly vicious — 
will lie found to con-titute two thirds of the 
whole number. The remaining third perform 
only about one third as much work, as tlie 
same number of free laborers. 

Now disburden the master of this heavy loid 
of maintenance; let hiui employ /r-ee, able, in- 
dustri-ms laborers only, those who feel con- 
scious of a personal interest in the fruits of 
their labor, and who does not see that such a 
system would be vastly more safe and econom- 
ical than the present 1 

The slave states are learning this truth by 
fatal experienc<'. Most of them are silently 
writhing under the great curse. Virginia has 
uttered her complaints aloud. As yet, howev- 
er, nothing has been done even there, save a 
small annual appropriation for lln:' purpose of 
colonizing the free colored in/iabUanlf! of the 
Slate. Is this a remedy ? 

But it may be said that Virginia will ultim- 
ately liberate her slaves on condition of their 
colonization in Africa, peacefully if possible, 
forcibly if necessary. 

Well — admitting that Virginia may be able 
and willing at some remote period to rid her- 
self of the evil by commuting the punishment 
of her unoffending colored people, from Slave- 
ry to Exile, will licr fearful remedy apply to 
some of the other slaveholding states ? 

It is a fact, strongly insisted upon by our 
Southern brethren as a reason for the perpetu- 
ation of Slavery, that their climate and pecu- 
liar agriculture will not admit of liard labor on 
the part of the whiles. That amidst the fatal 
malaria of the rice plantations the white man 
is almost annually visited by the country fever ; 



I that few of the white overseers of these planttt- 
Itions reach the middle period of ordinary life : 
that the owners are compelled to fly from their 
estates as the hot season approaclies, without 
being able to return until the first Irosts have 
fallen. But vve are told that the slaves remain 
there, at their work— mid-leg in putrid water; 
breatiiing the noisome atmosphere, loaded with 
'contagion, and underneath the scorching fervor 
'of a terrible sun ; that they indeed suffer; but 
Ithat their habits, constitutions and their long 
{practice enable them to labor, surrounded by 
'such destructive influences, with comparative 
'safety. 

I The conclusive answer, therefore, to those 
jwho in reality cherish the visionary hope of col- 
ionizing all the colored people of the United 
j Slates in Africa or elsewhere, is this single, all- 
! important fact : — The labor of the blacks will 
\vot an, I caniwl he dispensed with by the planter 
\of the South. 

To what remedy then can the friends of hu- 
maniiy betake themselves but to that of Eman- 
cipation? 

And nolhins but a strong, unequivocal ex- 
pression of public sentiment is needed to carry 
into effect this remedy, so far as the General 
Government is cuncerned. 

And when the voice of all the non-.slavehold- 
ing slates shall be heard on this question; a 
voice of expostulation, rebuke, entreaty: — • 
wlieii tliefull light of truth shall break through 
the night of prejudice, and rev( ;il all the foul 
abominations of slavery, will Delaware still 
cling to the curse which is wasting her moral 
strength — and still rivit the fetters upon her 
three or four thousand slaves? 

Let. Delaware begin tlu; work; and Mary- 
land, New Jeisey, and Virginia must follow ; 
the examide will b.j contagions; and the great 
object of Universal Emancipation will be at- 
tained. 

Freemen, Christians, lovers of truth and jus- 
tice! \\ hy stand ye idle? Ours is a govern- 
ment of opinion, and slavery is interwoven 
with it. Change the current of opinion, and 
slavery will be swept away. Let the awful 
sovereiguty of tlie people — a power which is 
limited only by the sovereignty of Heaven, arise 
and pronounce judgment against the crying 
iniquity. Let each individual remember that 
upon iiimfelf rests a portion of that sovereign- 
ty; ;i part of the tremendous responsibility of 
its exercise. The burning, v.ithering concen- 
tration of public opinion upon the Slave sys- 
tem is alone needed for its total annihilation. 
God has given us the power to overthrow it;— 
a po A'er, peaceful, yet mighty — benevolent, yet 
effectual — "awful without severity" — amoral 
sirensth equal to the emergency. 

"How does it happen," inquires an able wri- 
ter,* "that whenever duty is named we begin 
to hear of the weakness o*" ^'-r-"" nct-.rf.'? — 



♦ W. B. O. Peabodj. 



61 



Thai same nature which outruns the whirlwind 
in the chase of gain — which rages li]<e a mani- 
ac at tlie trumpet call of glory— wiiich laughs 
danger and death to scorn when its least passion 
is awakened — becomes weak as cliildhood wlien 
reminded of its duly." But let no one hope to 
find ail excuse in hypocrisy. The humblest 
individual of the coiumunity in one way or an- 
other possesses influence; and upon him as 
well as upon the proudest rests the responsibil- 
ity of its rightful exercise and proper direction. 
The overthrow of a g^reat national evil like tliat 
of Slavery, can only be effected by the united 
energies of the great body of the people. — 
Shoulder must be put to shoulder, and hand link- 
ed with hand — the whole mass must be put in 
motion and its entire strength applied, until the 
fabric of oppresj^ion is shaken to its dark foun- 
dations and not one stone is left upon anotiier. 
Let the Christian remember that the God of 
his worship hateth oppression; that the myste- 
ry of Faith can only be held by a pure con- 
science; and, that in vain is the lithe of miut, 
and annise, and cummin, if thn weightier mat- 
ters of the law, judgment, mercy and trutii, 
are forgotten. Let him remember that all along 
the clouded region of slavery the truths of the 
Everlasting Gospel are not spoken, — that the 
ear of iniquity is lulled, — that those who minis- 
ter between the "porch and the altar'' dare not 
speak out thelanguaae of Eternal Justice: "Is 
not this the fast whit-h I have chosen? — to loose 
the bands of wickedness — to undo the heavy 
burdens, and to let the oppressed go free?" 
Isa. Lvni. 6. ' He that stealeth a man and sell 
eth him; or if he be found in his hands, hf» 
shall surely be put to death"— Exod. xxi. 16.* 
Y<ta little while and t'ic. voice of prayer will 
be heard no more in the abiding place of slave- 
ry. The truths of the Gospel — its voice of 
warning and exhortation will be denounced as 
incendiary.f The night of infidelity, — the 
blackness of darkness — the silence — the frozen 
apathy of unrebuked iniquity will settle over 

* This law is recosnized and sanctioned by Apostle 
Paul, 1 Tim. 1. 9, 10. The word the Apostle uses in 
its original import, comprehends .all who are concerned 
in bringing any of the human race into Slavery, or de- 
taining tiiem in it. Hominum fures qui servos vel liheros 
abducant, retinent, vendunt vel emunt. To steal a free- 
man, says Crotius, is the hiahest kind of theft. In other 
instances we only steal human property ; but when we 
only Bteal, or retain men in Slavery, we seize those, 
who in common with ourselves, are constituted by the 
original grant (Gen. 1. 28.) lords of the Earth. Vide 
Note to Confexsion nf Faith by the Gen. Assembly of the 
Presbyterian. Church, 1825. 

"f What has been in Jamaica may be expected in our 
own slave-holding community ; a bitter, bloody, and most 
atrocious persecution of the ministers of religion. The 
following is from a declaration agreed to by the planters 
of Jamaica in July, 1832. "We the undersigned most 
solemnly declare that we are resolved at the hazard 
of our Lives, not to sutler any Baptist or other Sec- 
tarian preacher or teacher, or any person professedly 
belonging to those sects, to preach or teach in any house, 
in towns, or in districts of the Country where the influ- 
«tic« of the Colonial Union •xtendi." 



the land, to be broken only by the upheaving 
Earthquake of Eternal reiributioii. 

To the members of the religious Society of 
Friends, I would earnestly appeal. They have 
already done much to put away the evil of sla- 
very in this country and Great Britain. The 
blessings of many who were ready to perish 
have rested upon them. But their faithful tes- 
timony must be still steadily upborne, for the 
great work is but begun. Ld. them not relax 
their exi^rtioni-, nor be contented with a lifeless 
testimony — a formal protestation against the 
evil. Active, prayerful, unwearied exertion is 
needed for its overthrow. But above all, let 
them not aid in excusing and palliating it. Sla- 
very has no redeeming qualities — no feature of 
benevolence — nothing pin*e — nothing peaceful; 
nothing just. Let them carefully keep them- 
selves aloof from all societies and all stfhemes 
which have a tendency to excuse or overlook 
its crying iniquity. True to a doctrine founded 
on love and mercy — " peace on earth and good 
will to men," they should regard the suffering 
slave as their brother, and endeavor to ' put 
their .souls in his soul's stead:" They may ear 
nestly desire the civilization of Africa, but they 
cannot aid in building up the colony of Liberia 
so long as that colony leans for support upon 
the arm of mililai-7/ power : so long as it pross- 
elytes to Christianity under the muzzles of its 
cannon; and preaches the doctrines of Christ 
while practicing those of Mahomet. When 
the Sierra Leone Company was formed, in 
England, not a member of the Society of 
Friends could bo prevailed upon to engage in 
it, because the colony was to be supplied with 
cannon and other military stores. Yet the 
Foreign Agent of tlie Lilieria Colony Society, 
to which the same insurmountable objection 
exist? is a member of the society of Friends, 
and I understand has been recently employed 
in providing gun-powder, d^c. for the use of the 
Colony. There must be an awakening on this 
subject: other Woolmansand other Benezets 
must arise and speak the truth with the meek 
love of James and the fervent sincerity of Paid. 

To the womi;n wf Amkrica, whose sympa- 
thies know no distinction of clime, or sect, or 
color, the sufTiriiig slave is making a strong rip- 
peal. Oh, let it liot he uniieeded! for of those 
to whom much is given much will be required 
;ii t!i(^ last dread irinu;i:il ; and never in the 
•^tmngfst terms of liimian > ulogy was w()m;in's 
i;iflu( nci- (iverreJ.< d. Sisters, daughters, wives, 
;iiid mothers, your ji fliieiiceis fell evr ry where, 
at tiie fir- side, and in the hall.s of legislation, 
siirrouiilinii liki; the al!-encircling atmosphere, 
brother and fallur, husband and sun! And by 
your love of them : by every holy sympathy of 
voiir bojoms; by every mournful appeal wdiich 
comes up to you from hearts whose sanctuary 
oi' affections has been made wtiste and desolate, 
you are called upon to exert it in the cause o 
redemption from wrong and outrage. 

Let the Patriot, — the friend of liberty and the 



62 



Union of the States, no longer shut his eyes lo 
the great danger — the masler-evil before which 
all others dwindle into insignificance. Our 
Union is tottering to its foundation, and slaverj- 
is the cause. Remove the evil. Dry up at 
their source the bitter waters. In vain you en- 
act and abrogate your lariflFs: in Vr in is individ- 
ual sacriricCj or sectional concession. The ac- 
cursed thing is with us— the stone of stumb- 
ling and the rock of offence remains. Drag 
then the Achan into light; and let National 
Repentance atone for National Sin. 

The conflicting interests of free and slave- 
labor, furnish tlie only ground for fear in rela- 
tion to the permanency of the Union. The line 
of separation between them is day by day grow- 
ing broader and deeper: geograpliicaily and 
politically united, we are alread}-, in a moral 
point of viev.', a divided people. But a few 
months ago we were on the very verge of civil 
war, a war of brothers — a war between the 
Nortli and the South, — between the slave-hold- 
er and the free-laborer. The danger lias been 
delayed for a time ; — this bolt has fallen with- 
out mortal injury to the Union — but the cloud 
from whence it came still hangs above us, red- 
dening with the elements of destruction. 

Recent events have furnished ample proof 
that the slaveholding interest is prepared lo re 
sist any legislation on the part of the General 
Government w hich is supposed to have a ten 
«y directly or indirectly, to encourage and in- 
vigorate free-lubor : — and that it is dctersnined 
to charge upon its opposite interest the infliction 
of all those evils which necessarily attend its 
own operation — "the primeval curse of Omnip- 
otence upon slavery." 

We have already felt in too many instances 
the extreme difficulty of cherishing in one com- 
mon course of National Legislation the oppo- 
site interests of republican equality, and feudal 
aristocracy and servitude. Ihe truth is, we 
havexindertnken a moral impossibility. These 
interests are from their nature irreconcileable. — 
The one is based upon the purer principles of 
rational liberty : the other under the name of 
freedom, revives tlie ancient European system 
of barons and villains—nobles and serfs. Indeed 
the state of Socii'ty which existed arnons our 
Anglo-Saxon anctstors was far more tohrabK 
than that of many portions of our republicari 
confederacy. For the Anslo-Saxon slaves had 
it in their power to purchase their freedom ; — 
and the laws of the realm recognized their lib- 
eration and placed them under legal protec- 
tion.* 

*The difiiision of '•hristianity in Great Britain was 
moreover, ror.ouec: Dy a general manumission : for it 
would seem that tlio priests and missionaries of religion 
in that early and benighted ajjc were more faithful in the 
performance of their duties, than those of the present. 

"The holy fathers, monks, and friars," says Sir T. Smith, 
"had in iheir confessions, and especially in tlicir e.Mreme 
and deadly sickness, convinced the laity iiow daii:;erous 
a thing it was for one christian to hold another in bond- 
age ; so that temporal men bv reason of the terror in 



To counteract the dangers resulting from a 
slate of society so utterly at variance with the 
Great Declaration of American Freedom, siiould 
be the earnest endeavor of every patriotic states- 
man. Nothing unconstitutional, nothing vio- 
lent should be attempted ; but the true doctrine 
of tiie rights of man should be steadily kept in 
view; and the opposition to slavery should be 
inflexible and constantly maintained. The al- 
most daily violation of the constitution in con- 
sequence of the lawsof some of the slave states, 
subjecting free colored citizens of New-Eng- 
land and elsewhere, who may happen lo be 
on board our coasting vessels, to imprisonment 
immediately on their arrival in a Southern port, 
should be provided against. Nor should the 
imprisonment of the free-colored citizens of 
the Northern and Middle stales, on suspicion 
oi being runaways, subjecting them even after 
being pronounced free, to the costs of their con- 
finement and trial, be longer tolerated; for if 
we continue to yield to innovations like these 
upon the constitution of our fathers, we shall 
ere long have the name of a free government 
:eft us. 

Dissemble as we may, it is impossible for 
us to believe, after fully considering the na- 
ture of slavery that it can muchlonger maintain 
a peaceable existence among us. A day of rev- 
olution must come ; and it is our duty to pre- 
pare for It. Its threatened evil may be chan- 
ged into a national blessing. The establish- 
ment of schools for the instruction of the 
slave children ; a general dilrusion of the lights 
of Christianity ; and the introduction of a sa- 
cred respect lor the social obligations of mar- 
riage, and for the relations between parents and 
children, among our black population, would 
render emancipation not only perfectly safe, 
but also of the highest advaitt;ige to the country 
Two millions of freemen would be added to 
our population, upon whom in the hour of 
danger we could safely depend ; '"the domestic 
I'oe" would be changed into a firm friend, iaith- 
I'ul, generous, and ready to encounter all dan- 
gers in our defence It is well known tliat du- 
ring the last war witli Greaat Britain, whenever 
the enemy touched upi^n our southern coast, 
the s/arf.5 ill multitudes hastened to join them. 
On the other hand the/r<?t? 6/ac,t.9 were highly 
si-rviceablein repelling them. So warm was 
the zeal of the latter ; so manifest their courage 
in delcnce of Louisiana, that the present Chief 
Magistrate of the United States publicly be- 
stowed upon them one of the highest euiogiums 
ever offered by a commander to his soldiers. 

Let no one seek an apology for silence on 
the subject of Slavery becatise the laws of the 
land tolerate and sanction it. But a short 
time ago the Slave-Trade was protected by 
laws and treaties, and sanctioned by the 
example of ir.en eminent for the reputation oF 



their consciences, were glad to manumit all their villains. 
— Hist. Cammonweallh, Blackstone, page 62. 



^li 



piety and iiUegriiy. Yet public opinien broke; 
over these barriers ; it Ufled tht; curtain and le-j 
vealed the horrors ol' tiiat mcst abouiinabli; trtii-' 
fie; and unrighteous IdW. iind ancient custom,: 
and avariee, and luxury, gavi; way belbre iis| 
irresistible autliuriiy. it should never be for-, 
gotten that human law cannot chriuge the na-| 
ture of human action in the pm-e eye of infinite I 
Justice ; and that the ordinances of man cannot 
annul tho^'e of God. The Slave-System as ex 
isting in this country, can be considered in no 
other light than as the cause, of which the Ibul 
traffic in human flesh is the legitimate conse- 
quence. It is the parent — the fosterer — the sole 
supporter of the Slave-Trade. It creates the 
demand for sh-ives, and the fi;reign supply will; 
always be equal to the demand of consumption.; 
It keeps the market open. It ofTers i mi u cements 
to the slave-trader which no severity of law! 
against his traffic can overcome. By our laws' 
his trade is piracy; while slavery, to which, 
alone, it owes its existence, is protected and' 
cherished, and those engaged in it are rewarded j 
by an increase of political power proportioned 
to the increase of their stock of human beings ! 
To steal the natives of Africa is a crime wor-' 
thy of an ignominious death ; but to steal and 
enslave, annually one hundred thousand of the! 
descendants of these stolen natives, born in this! 
country, is considered altogether excusable and! 
proper! For my own part, I know no difl(2r-| 
ence between robbery in Africa, and robbery I 
at home. I could, with as qaiei a conscience, 
engage in the one as the other. j 

"There is not one general principle," justly j 
remarks Lord Nugent, "on which the slave-; 
trade is to be stigmatized which does not im-l 
peach slavery itself." Kindred in iniquity,! 
both must fall speedily — fall together; and bei 
consigned to the same dishonorable grave. — 
Tjie spirit which is thrilling through every! 
nerve of England, is awakening America, from ' 
her sleep of death. Who, among our states- j 
men, v.'ould not shrink from the baneful reputa- 
tion of having supported by his legislative in- 
fluence, the slave-trade; the traffic in human 
flesh? Let them then beware; for the time is 
near at hand when tiie present defenders .of sla- 
very will sink under the same fatal reputation, 
and leave to posterity a memory which will 
blacken through all future time: a legacy of 
infamy. 

"Let us not betake us to the commcm arts 
and stratagems of nations; but fear God, and 
put away the evil which provokes Him: and 
trust not in man, but in the living God; and it 
shall go well for England !" This counsel, giv- 
en by the pure hearted William Penh, in a for- 
mer age, is about to be followed in the present. 
An intense and powerful feeling is working in 
the mighty heart of England : it is speaking 
through the lips of Brougham and Buxton and 
O'Connel, and demanding Justice in the name 
of humanity and according to the righteous 
law of God. The immediate Emancipation of 



800,0t)0 slaves is demanded with an authority 
which cannot much longer be disputed or trifled 
with. That dcnumiJ will be obeyed ; justice 
will be done; liie heavy burdens uiil be unloos- 
ed ; the oppressed set fiee. It shall go wtU for 
Euffland. 

And, when the stain on our own esciitcluon 
shall be 'seen no more; when the Declaration 
of our Independence and the practice of our 
people shall agree; when Truth shall be exalted 
among us; wiien Love shall take the place of 
Wrong; when all the baneful pride and preju- 
dice of caste and color shall fall forever ; when 
under one common sun of political Liber- 
ty the slave holding portions of our Republic 
sliail no longer sit. like the Egyptians of old, 
themselves mantled in thick dnrkiuss, while all 
around them is glowing with the blessed light 
of freedom and e(|uality,— then, and no till 
then, shall it go w^ell for America. 

The friends of Immediate Emancipation can 
be supplied with any quantity of this No. of 
the Anti-Slavery Reporter, if application i» 
made soon at the office of the Emancipator^ 
126 Nassau-street. 

Price .fj!25 per 1,000, or $3 per 100. 



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